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Estella looked past the first knight, and when she saw an even larger one, her eyes widened in alarm. In the full light, this second knight looked even more frightening and dangerous than his companion. Every step he took seemed deliberate and commanding, as if he was a lion surveying his domain.


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The air surrounding him crackled and even from this distance, Estella could sense the power that emanated from him. Like his friend, he wore a thick woolen cloak that accentuated his warrior's physique. The material stretched across his broad shoulders and draped over his massive chest. He glanced her way as if he was aware of her intense perusal of him. His unwavering gaze made Estella flush.

He searched her face, his eyes lingering on her countenance for what felt like an eternity. It was as if he could see through to the center of her being, could hear her thoughts. But how could that be? She had never met this man in her life. And as far as she knew, no one could read minds, could they?

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Her fingers dug into the trestle table, needing somehow to feel something solid, something to steady her trembling limbs. His eyes scanned over the rest of her body, his gaze settling on her breasts and then her hips. Estella felt an inexplicable urge to cover herself as a wave of heat coursed through her body. He raised his eyes to hers and time stood still. When he broke away from the electrifying contact, Estella felt the warmth being withdrawn as if a servant had opened the shutters, and let the cold air inside.

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Baby Baby Girls Baby Boys. Sim Cards. Unlocked Phones. Mac Accessories Games. However, it is not unlikely that Henry II made use of at least one chronicle to disseminate anti-Arthurian propaganda. His concern about the political threat posed to him by the legend that King Arthur would return has already been mentioned. It may well have been at his instigation that the monks of Glastonbury excavated the alleged body of King Arthur The purpose of the excavation need not only have been to provide the Glastonbury monks with a "tourist attraction " in order to help them finance the rebuilding of their church after the fire; it could also have been intended to prove that King Arthur, the "hope" of the Welsh and Bretons, was really dead.

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The well-known prologue to William of Newburgh's chronicle, which demolishes the credibility of Geoffrey of Monmouth, the virtual author of the legends, could be another manifestation of Henry's propaganda. It does not relate to William's ensuing chronicle and, indeed, reads like a separate tract Another apparent example of the crown's circulation of literary material is provided by the crisis of There is evidence suggesting that after Henry Bolingbroke's usurpation the new government sent chroniclers propagandist tracts which eulogized the Appellant lords in their opposition to Richard II Evidence for the occasional distribution to chronicles of official documents is beyond dispute.

In Edward I sent out copies of the submissions to him as overlord of the competitors for the Scottish throne41, and in the. Lancastrians distributed copies of the official "record and process" of Richard II's deposition To what extent the central government influenced the narrative of any chronicler is very hard to assess. At first sight it would appear that it did so hardly at all. Generally speaking the chronicles of medieval England were critical of king and government. Such an attitude was characteristic of the monastic chronicle, the kind of chronicle which predominated until the late middle ages.

This was partly because the central authority tended to be unpopular with the monks, since it imposed taxes on, and threatened the independence of, their houses. Nevertheless, occasionally at times of national crisis for example during the Viking invasions of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries and during to Baron's War of Henry Ill's reign 43 the chroniclers' attitude apparently reflected their strongly held belief that king and government were not serving the country's best interests.

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A monastic chronicler enjoyed considerable freedom of expression, particularly if his house was situated at a distance from London44, because he usually wrote for a sympathetic, protective audience, that is for his own community and perhaps for those of neighbouring monasteries. However, a chronicler lost his comparative immunity if he became famous. The attention of those with political power influenced a chronicler in a number of ways. It improved his understanding of public affairs and figures, it exposed him to official propaganda at close range, and made him consider what it was expedient to write, and aware of the need for caution.

It is notable that the three most famous chroniclers, William of Malmesbury, Matthew Paris and. Thomas Walsingham all revised their works suppress or modify their criticisms of the great men of their times. The non-monastic historians secular clerks, bureaucrats and the like were, of course, more likely than monks to adopt the government point of view. An historian might conform to government propaganda for a number of reasons : his interests might coincide with those of the government; he might be persuaded by propaganda; he might believe that it was wise to conform, or feel compelled by fear.

In many cases it is not clear which factor, or combination of factors, was operative.

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An example of a chronicle which served both the interests of its own monastery and those of the crown is that by John of Glaston- bury It contains the fully-fledged legend of the founding of the first church at Glastonbury by St Joseph of Armathea. This legend gave Glastonbury priority of foundation among English monasteries It also gave England a claim to priority of conversion to Christianity among European nations.

The legend was in fact cited by the English " nation " at the councils of Pisa, Constance, Siena and Basle to support its claim to precedence Possibly Henry IV encouraged John to write the chronicle for this very purpose Matthew Paris provides a probable example of a chronicler who revised his work because he became persuaded that the views he had expressed were wrong or at least extreme.

In his Chronica Majora and other chronicles he had criticized and abused Henry III, the queen's French relatives and other members of the establishment. However, he established close personal contact with Henry III and the court circle.


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Henry visited St Albans, which was within fifteen miles of London and on an important trunk road, at least nine times during Matthew's life. On one occasion, in , Matthew claims that he was Henry's constant companion and dined at the royal table, and received from. Moreover, he wrote and illustrated saints' Lives in French verse for Queen Eleanor and for at least two noble ladies In the circumstances it is very likely that he changed his opinion of Henry and his circle, and revised his chronicles accordingly There are a number of examples of historians who changed the views they expressed to suit the government apparently because they considered it expedient to do so.

Both contained criticisms of and scurrilous attacks on William the Conqueror, William Rufus, their ministers and other important people. Later William revised both books to modify or suppress his censure He himself, commenting on the difficulties of writing contemporary history, mentions the danger of offending people Malmesbury abbey suffered during the anarchy of King Stephen's reign The castle of one of Stephen's principal supporters, Roger bishop of Salisbury, was in Malmesbury and he usurped the abbey's liberties from to The monks sympathies were with Stephen's rival, the Empress Matilda, and her half brother, Robert, earl of Gloucester, became William's patron.

He eulogized Robert in his late work, the Historia Novella, and dedicated it and the last recension of the Gesta Regum to him It is likely, therefore, that he revised the Gesta Regum and Gesta Pontificum lest he. Thomas Walsingham, following in Matthew Paris's footsteps at St Albans, initially criticized and abused those in power, in this instance Richard II, his ministers especially John of Gaunt and officials He revised his chronicles in the Lancastrian interest after the revolution, probably for reasons of expediency.

Besides rehabilitating John of Gaunt, Henry IV's father, he underlined criticism of Richard II and his government, in part by extracting from the official "record and process" of the deposition parliament, which included articles condeming specific aspects of Richard's rule The Wars of the Roses provide spectacular examples of historians who altered their views to suit the political situation.

They were anxious to keep or win the favour of whichever party was in power, whether Lancastrian or Yorkist It comprises chapters about rulers and other famous men called Henry. In the panegyric on Henry IV he gives the Lancastrian version of Richard II's deposition, extracting from the official "record and process", and states that Henry succeeded to the throne legitimately, by right and descent, by election of lords and people, and because Richard himself designated him his heir Capgrave wrote his second history-book, the Chronicle of England, shortly after Edward IV's accession in He dedicated it to Edward and in the dedication he refers to Henry IV as a usurper and concludes: "We true lovers of this land desire this of our Lord God, that all the error which was brought in by Henry IV may be redressed by Edward IV" Another turncoat was John Hardyng.

In he. In it he praises him and also his father, Henry V. But between and Hardyng revised the work in the Yorkist interest.

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The main reason for the apostacies of Capgrave and Hardyng was probably the desire at all costs to keep favour because of the advantages it would bring. Henry VI was the patron of the Franciscan friary at Lynn; Capgrave wanted in the first instance to fan Henry's love of the friary62, and then on Edward IV's accession to insure at least the friendship of the new king. Hardyng wanted to ingratiate himself with the king, whoever he was, in order to gain reward for the services he had rendered Henry V and Henry VI, in providing them with historical evidence to prove their overlordship of Scotland Nevertheless, in addition to the consideration of the expediency of pleasing the king because of accruing benefits, an historian might fear reprisals if he displeased him.

To what extent fear influenced historians in medieval England is hard to estimate, and it obviously did so more in periods of political tension than at other times.